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Totalitarianism Today
by Alina Stefanescu alina@humanemail.com
Sunday, September 15, 2002
We don't need another international protectorate In Macedonia, the test for the Western-backed peace process that ended "the seven month civil war" will come with the approaching elections. In order to determine whether or not ethnic problems have been overcome through the political (or in this case, electoral) process in a "democratic fashion", the elections will be monitored by international bodies. If Macedonia is lucky, power will move from the hands of current office-holders to the newly-elected candidates. However, the protectorate-possibility is always an open one if Western monitors are not satisfied with the "election process" (read i.e. the election results). So far, theopposition party is set for victory.
Former guerilla leader, Ali Ahmeti, apparently underwent a philosophical makeover, declaring:"We want to open a new page in our history, a page of reconciliation." These are nice words coming from a man with an arrest warrant issued by the government of Macedonia for war crimes. However, The Washington Timesdid not seem so convinced of Ahmeti's reformed, democracy-loving ways, noting that:
"...most ethnic Macedonians remain distrustful of Mr. Ahmeti, whose office in a suburb of the main ethnic Albanian city, Tetovo, displays a small statue of an Albanian eagle attacking a Macedonian lion." In fact, the sentiments of the populace are not too distant from those of officialdom on the subject of Mr. Ahmeti.While the interior ministry has threatened to arrest Mr. Ahmeti for war crimes after the election, none less honorable than the U.S. Embassy has also refused to have any contact with Mr. Ahmeti, who is on an American blacklist of outlawed Albanians drawn up last year by President Bush.
State prosecutor Stavre Dzikov said the warrant would be acted on and Ahmeti, the Democratic Party of Integration (DPI), would be tried in a Macedonian court. He told journalists:
"This is a state of law, and if a case is started against certain persons which imply detention, then that order must be carried out and they should be brought to justice".
Dzikov cited a warning given by officials from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)concerning the potential for a violent response from the country's ethnic Albanian minority if Ahmeti was arrested.
"I was told that there will be a war and that I should judge the situation well. As a state prosecutor, I don't have any judgments to make -- I have to obey the law and I don't care if there are elections, presidential campaigns or whatever," replied Dzikov. Regardless of how Mr. Dzikov judges the Ahmeti scenario, it seems clear that if Albanians in Macedonia elect Ahmeti, the disconnect between their version of pluralist democracy heads for an inevitable clash with that of ethnic Macedonians. And if history is to be believed, then these elections might reveal the continuing fault-lines plaguing Macedonia's political transition.
Friday, September 13, 2002
Eugene Ionesco, like many other Romanian-born dissidents during the communist period, should be ressurrected for current consumption, which is precisely what Gary Snyder has done in a recent post for Lew Rockwell. Taking my cue from the "theatre of the absurd" to which Ionesco subscribed, I might remark that, right now, Ideologies separate us. Dreams and anguish bring us together. Perhaps politics is a game played by fat-cats on the stage of the absurd, which might explain the twisted semantics Americans have observed in the media since September the 11th.
I know I almost fell out of my recliner when I heard ABC news cheering on "the festivities" of the Sept. 11th anniversary yesterday. Is it just my slinky appetite that is revolted by such twisted logic? Reaching to Ionesco for comfort,I stumbled upon a character that inspired me in my undergraduate courses at Auburn University and shed light on my summer seance in Krakow (which deserves a new literary movement more Dada than absurd to do it justice), but whom I also believe to be applicable now in the post-Krakow period.
Who can forget the remarks of Ionesco's immortal character, the Logician, such as "All cats die. Socrates is dead. Therefore Socrates is a cat." As our President might argue before the UN, this is no less than impeccable logic for a war against mankind, or maybe just Iraq-- clear argument no matter what the conclusion. Beautiful. Paint me solved.
Friday, September 13, 2002
Why I want my engagement ring to be made of black gold On September 11th, 2002, the moved to counter threats to the security of the
EU's energy supply, adopting two directives designed to
provide a coordinated response in case of speculative attacks on
oil and gas markets, in part through increased strategic stocks. The Eurocrats say that
Europe would like crude oil prices to stabilize around 20
dollars per barrel, which is why they hope to get commitments in that
direction from producer countries at the upcoming international
energy forum in Japan, European energy commissioner Loyola de
Palacio said on Thursday.
Meanwhile, back at the ranch, a friend on the Hill informed me that President Bush plans for the US to rejoin UNESCO to gain support from global allies for his war on Iraq. But this is not about oil. This is about democracy and Americanism. This is about regime-change. This is about changing the rules of the game, Christian Science Monitor writer Peter Ford:
By attacking Iraq without UN endorsement, Washington would be arrogating to itself the right to decide what constitutes a threat to world peace, and what to do about it. That would be a significant break from international norms.
If, however, changing the rules just so happens to coincide with improved access to that "strategic resource" called oil, then so be it. My advice? Boys, buy your "forevers" in oil instead of conflict diamonds, if "forever" is really what you intend to convey.
Friday, September 13, 2002
A marketing challenge for Bush: sell this war to the world
Eli Pariser, of MoveOn.org sent me something like the following:
In August,
White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card told the
New York Times that "you don't launch a new product in
August." The product he was
referring to was a war with Iraq, and yesterday's speech by
President Bush at the United Nations marks the grand
product launch.
Bush's speech was great marketing -- the copy was well-
written and the timing perfect for a publicity campaign.
It's no coincidence that the push for a war on Iraq occurs
only a day after September 11th. The New York Times
article above quoted Administration officials who said
that
Sept. 11 would be "a centerpiece of the strategy,"
helping to "move Americans toward support of action
against Iraq."
For weeks now, Administration officials have been playing
up this speech as Bush's big opportunity to "make his case."
But while the marketing has been stellar, the case itself
simply hasn't been made. In his speech Bush released no
new intelligence and made no novel arguments. Instead, he
rolled out a laundry list of old grievances and half-truths.
According to CNN, many of the allegations the Bush White House
made about Iraq are entirely unsubstantiated, or are based on
the testimony of sworn enemies of Saddam Hussein.
Among the questions Pariser suggests that you pose to your Congressmen are some that are certainly worthy of answers...Where's the beef? Where's the evidence of clear and present danger?
What happened to Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda?
If our allies don't support this, are we going ahead or not?
Who's going to pick up the pieces in Iraq?
Why now, right before the election?
How many lives will be lost? How much money will be spent?
What are the alternatives?
Among those who might give more interesting answers than your Congress-puppets, try the Iraq Crisis Antiwar Page, or Fraser Nelson, arguing in The Scotsman that Bush plans to go to war with Iraq, weapons inspections be damned. For a truly global perspective (Anglophiles, hold on tight to your tea), take a look at Gene Healy's blog-post for September 12.
Friday, September 13, 2002
The Left Divided
One of the most surprising aspects of living in Cambridge earlier this year was the extent to which that "hot-bed of liberalism" tended towards the lukewarm. (I should mention that the exceptions to this rule are some of the most intelligent and fascinating people that I met at Harvard Law School, many of them affiliated with the Critical Legal Studies department.) In an article for The Nation entitled The Left and 9-11, Adam Shatz expresses his misgivings about the anti-war position, noting that there are no longer just "two positions" to be taken seriously in the war debate:
New Left Review editor Tariq Ali sneers at supporters of the war, including his ex-friend Christopher Hitchens, as "the new empire loyalists," while Hitchens excoriates opponents of the war on terror as "Ramadanistas." In "Can There Be a Decent Left?", an essay in the spring Dissent, Michael Walzer--who lent his signature to "What We're Fighting For," a prowar manifesto sponsored by the center-right Institute for American Values--accused the antiwar left of expressing "barely concealed glee that the imperial state had finally gotten what it deserved." (When I asked him to say whom he had in mind, he said: "I'm not going to do that. Virtually everyone who read it knew exactly what I was talking about.")
While the war on terrorism might not be as easily opposed as the Vietnam "entanglement", this is not an excuse to stop asking ourselves the same questions about it. Or, we might even pick up the gauntlet and do as Professor Duncan Kennedy of HLS, who continues to use his prestigious position as a podium for advocating social reform and conscientious ethical decision-making. Citizenship imposes obligations more strenuous than the mere deference to guns and taxes; it is a shame that more students in the upper echeleons of American higher education do not engage these partisan divisions with more courage.
Thursday, September 12, 2002
The Greeks give it another go Some news from Cameron Tidwell, who gave me updated information on the situation in Greece:
According to the Associated Press, a Greek court has
labeled as unconstitutional the recently publicized
law prohibiting electronic gaming in public places. In
the first test of the law, which went into effect in
July, the court threw out a case against the first
three people to be charged under the law. The decision
by the court opens the path to further challenges of
legislation that was intended to limit illegal
gambling but was worded so broadly as to prohibit all
PC and handheld games as well.
The case held two Internet café owners and an employee
responsible for letting customers play Counter-Strike
and online chess on computers installed in the café.
If the case had stood up in court, the three
defendants each faced three months in prison and fines
of at least 00.
The antigaming law is having an effect apart from the
initial case, even though the legislation may prove to
be unconstitutional. The AP report cites that café
owners are seeing up to 90 percent fewer customers and
that many arcades have closed to avoid potential
penalties.
Thursday, September 12, 2002
The Greek philosopher-kings have come one step closer to that perfect republic envisioned by Plato. Miron Ghiu-Caia, Romanian philosopher par excellence who also happens to know a fair bit about the internet, sent me some heart-breaking information about the current state of freedom in Greece this morning. Apparently, the Greek government banned all computer games with the stated intention of "cracking down on Internet gambling". Those deviant individuals who choose to play internet games anyway face potential jail sentences. Lest one thinketh that such nonsense applies only to those unfortunate enough to consider themselves "Greeks", apparently the current Greek government is serious about equality, as tourists playing internet games in Greece are subject to the same punishment. Perhaps this is merely a successful lobby by the Greek brothels and bath-houses to bring entertainment back to its natural, naked state?
Thursday, September 12, 2002
First principles? Looks as though my former mentor, Dr. Roderick Long, recently stumbled upon the perfect career path for me to follow as our nation goes to war with evil. Behold The Molinari Institute, where the only vice worth pondering is statehood and the only patriotism worth mentioning flirts with the radical.
Wednesday, September 11, 2002
Wilson does Macedonia... On Wednesday, September 18th, from 12 noon to 1:00 p.m., the Wilson Center will host His Excellency Nikola Dimitrov, Amassador of the Republic of Macedonia to the United States, who will speak to the topic "Building Peace and Democracy in Macedonia". For fellow Macedonia-watchers out there, this should be an interesting talk, as recent Albanian gang battles in the area have left more civilians dead.
Wednesday, September 11, 2002
American attorneys mourn the loss of other people's human rights. A report released last week by the Lawyers' Committee for Human Rights expressed their concern about civil liberties, including the rolling back of Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and seizure, the fact that immigrants have been clearly targeted, the undermining of the principal of separation of powers, and the new deference to judicial secrecy under the auspices of national security concerns. Unless civil libertarians mount a successful and sustained campaign against such violations, the risk of their institutionalization and bureaucratization will only increase.
Wednesday, September 11, 2002
Robert Fisk does not disappoint. True to form, Robert Fisk addressed a large audience at George Mason University last night on the dangers of the Bush administration’s current hawkish foreign policy, as well as the dangers posed for journalism in these troubled times leaving no controversy aside. For those unfamiliar with his work, Robert Fisk is the Beirut correspondent for the Independent, as well as the recipient of 24 press awards—one given to him by Amnesty International for his coverage of the situation in Serbia last year. Unlike fellow journalist-commentator Jonah Goldberg, Robert Fisk’s academic credentials are indisputable; he received his PHD in Political Science from Trinity in Dublin. Among some of his most revealing work, I would include his eyewitness account of the massacres as Sabra and Shatila, warning in September 2001 of potential for United States to become embroiled in military missions without clear end, and his column for the Independent.
What makes Robert Fisk so noteworthy, aside from his integrity in a field known for its customary lack thereof, is his ability to untangle issues from interests, emotions from reason, and arguments from propaganda. So the United States, the success story of Western civilization, no longer content to battle the remaining communist small-fry in Cuba and North Korea, will now take on "evil" and wage a war on terrorism. Bush's war on terrorism is breath-taking in its ambition, and his war on evil promises to be more righteous than Tammy Faye Baker. But beyond the awe I feel at Bush's audacity, there lies the concern I feel when faced with his optimism. As Fisk pointed out, the problem with this war is that the "evil one", as designated by Time, Newsweek, or the National Enquirer, keeps changing-- from Osama to Saddam in its latest reincarnation. And those who designate the latest "evil one" are none other than those who declare war and mobilize American resources to fight this recurrent evil. Bush insists that he is a humble man, yet no mere mortal can claim to know the mind of God-- to decide who is truly evil-- and still prop up a pretense at modesty.
Fisk chastised journalists for the "gutless, unchallenging journalism" that appeared in bold, Biblical typeface in media after September 11th, worrying that it "obscured realities and dishonoured the dead". He brought up his attack on last December the 8th in Afghanistan, and the media response that reinstantiated his fears about "Muslim-bashing". Rather than attempt to understand what was salient and particular about his attack, most journalists relegated it to the category of an attack by "a mob of angry Arabs", thereby allowing the usual suspects stereotype to fill in the details. Revolted by such uninquisitive journalism, Fisk remarked, "I hate the 'what' and 'where' stories that leave out the 'why'! Some context MUST be given!" So Fisk produced his own first-hand description and explanation of the attack, in which he asserted that his "beating by refugees is a symbol of this dirty and filthy war". Unfazed by the Western media's condemnation of his reporting, Fisk explained to us that the only reason writers like Mark Stein of the Wall Street Journal found his piece so disturbing lay in the fact that he provided an explanatory context in which to understand the actions of his assailants. (Please do not jump to assume that to "understand", in this case, is a cover for to "excuse", as this is most certainly not the case.)Fisk found no excuses for journalists who surveyed the September 11th crime scene, or the scene of his attack, with no questions about motives.
"Journalists are going out of their way to decontextualize the Israeli situation," claimed Fisk. But now, more than ever before, with yet another Middle Eastern war on the horizon, it is crucial to be honest and forthcoming about the reality in the Middle East. Fisk said that he had yet to meet a Muslim that was not horrified by the events of September 11th, but that he also had yet to meet a Muslim that was surprised by the horrible attack. Admitting similar feelings, Fisk confessed waking up every morning in Beirut wondering "when the explosion would come". Many Europeans I encountered during my travels this summer expressed the same lack of surprise.
STILL WORKING ON THIS, SO CHECK BACK LATER TONIGHT...
Tuesday, September 10, 2002
Senator Shelby gets frisky and other pipe dreams. Today's NY Times carried an interview with Senator Richard Shelby (R-AL), a ranking minority member of the Senate Intelligence Committee,in which Shelby's criticism of the CIA gets serious. Shelby describes Sept. 11th as an induspitable intelligence failure, which he blames on the post-Cold War agency shuffle and the US government's inability to understand the new international environment. He claims that he repeatedly requested the training of more agents with the requisite language skills and ethnic diversity. I will confess that, as a true Alabama girl, I never thought I would hear Senator Shelby arguing in favor of a new, multicultural-ized CIA. Then again, 9-11 changed much more than our face values.
Tuesday, September 10, 2002
J. Carter Wood's article for Freezerbox.com entitled "Why Conservatives Hate Europe" takes a fair shot at the American ideal, noting that what might be ideal for us is not always ideal for the rest of the world. This continues to be true insofar as "ideal" is a normative judgement, and the norms we respond to are those that arise within the context of our own lives and communities. Having spent my summer in Europe, I was disturbed by the extent to which many Europeans (not just the extreme right) find American "hegemony" or "unilateralism"-- both code-words for different worldviews-- repellent. It's not just the French.
Tuesday, September 10, 2002
To what extent are those of us who pay taxes complicit in the US government's war machine? I remember asking these sorts of questions of my fellow Cato interns after September 11th, as I was disturbed by the ever-growing pro-war sentiment. At that point, we didn't even know who was responsible, or who we would be fighting. Nevertheless, several of the Cato interns, including my desk neighbor, Justin, had already lined up behind the war counter.
The conversations in the intern room-- known at Cato as the "War Room"-- kept us coming back for more. Of course, the question of our personal responsibility as citizens, financial supporters of the United States government, never got answered. But it didn't fade away either. Patrick McCuller takes it on in his article The Tank and the Coffee Tree" by describing why being a US citizen verges on the shameful since September 11th. These are the truly difficult questions-- the ones that risk social stigmatization and accusations of "anti-patriotism". But these are also the questions worth asking ourselves right now, precisely because they will NOT go away.
Tuesday, September 10, 2002
The Cold War is over, and with the end of the Evil Empire, the US government, taking globalization to heart, has settled on a new enemy-- a vast, international "axis of evil". If I weren't an acknowledged skeptic, it might be fair for me to suggest that the Bush administration's foreign policy agenda reads like bad conspiracy theory. So the Cold War didn't last long enough to guarantee permanent American righteousness in all international interventions? So we need a new reason to explain propping up various corporations and oil or steel interests? So we need an enemy that the American people can feel-- someone they can hate without thinking-- because foreign policy a la 20th century is about the propagation of "gut feelings", and the US government goes to war if it feels bad.
All this intervention creates its own vicious circles; all this military aid arms those who might one day be our enemies; all this intuition does little to assist our attempts at rational evaluation of international politics. I like the title of an article in the Washington Post Magazine by Bob Thompson-- "Doomsday Revisited: If the Cold War is really history, then what are all those missiles pointed at?" Where is that peace dividend? The current regime doesn't even bother to promise us victory or peace anymore-- the Cold War was our intellectual training class for this new holy war on "evil". We are fighting for some vague idea of national security and safety, yet forgetting the primal lesson that our most base fears might teach us, namely, that fear conditions threat perception to an extent that is often unrealistic. Fear is emotional, thus should not be so readily used as an instructive guide to policy.
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CURRENTLY DEVOURING
War and the Illiberal Conscience by Christopher Coker
The Return of the Native by Thomas Hardy
Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics by George Sher
Conditions Handsome and Unhandsome: The Constitution of Emersonian Perfectionism by Stanley Cavell
Alien Candor by Andrei Codrescu
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