Totalitarianism Today

Alina Stefanescu
alina@humanemail.com

Saturday, September 21, 2002

The Nation discussion group

Leaving now with my balls in my back-pocket-- I'll fill you ladies and gentlemen in when I return....In the meantime, you might peruse an excellent piece on judicial nominations by Jack Newfield, courtesy of the fine folks at The Nation.

When I return, I'll explain the reasons for Chris Hitchens' pro-war position (hint hint: drop your conspiracies because it is not Israel...).

Friday, September 20, 2002

Ahmed Rashid, the World bank, and mudjahideen

In an article about Pakistan for The New York Book Review, eminent Middle Eastern historian Ahmed Rashid argues in favor of an World Bank-backed economic reconstruction plan for Pakistan. Given the pitiful results of the World Bank's policies in Asia, Latin America, and the states of the former Soviet Union, I am not sure this is a good idea.

Perplexed as to why Rashid might favor a World Bank solution, I browsed some of his interviews for enlightenment. While I didn't find an answer, I did stumble across an important statement made by Rashid in an interview with The Atlantic Monthly given in August of 2000, which would be around the time when the US was withdrawing aid from the bin-Ladenites it had so passionately supported.

"The U.S. was the main provider of arms to the mujahideen in the 1980s and then just walked away from the situation once the Soviets had completed their exit from Afghanistan in 1989. The whole issue of terrorism and the presence of foreign mercenaries in Afghanistan is a result of American and Pakistani encouragement of radical Muslims in the 1980s to come to Afghanistan from all over the world and fight a jihad."

Friday, September 20, 2002

When, in the words of Andrei Codrescu, "the bad wine links us like a birthday feeling"

For those unfamiliar with the work of Romanian-American poet Andrei Codrescu, the best introduction might be by means of "Place"-- that space he eulogizes and mourns, that space between loss and mystification, which so much of his poetry seeks to recapture. Admitting that he uses language as "a means of public transpotation"-- as a way to get from one public space (with the potential for degenrating into privacy ever-present) to another-- Codrescu reaches me through his talk of "poetic exile", which I take to mean an exile from language, or from the comforting homeland of one language from which to addresss the world. Those of us compelled to think the poem in a different language (not a Wittgenstinian private language, mind you, but one that addresses a public different from our day-to-day, like Romanian, for example) than the language in which we will express it must learn to tolerate translation.

In the poem, "Three Types of Loss", Codrescu suggests that, "Action that cannot be translated in loss is the only action worth remembering". Later, in the thrid movement of the same poem, he says, "What gets lost in translation/ reappears in disbelief" as "Translation is the only form of communication/ where loss is practiced/ as part of the game". Indeed, the study of transition economies, like the study of politics or economics or law, forces us to translate what is not certain. And the extent to which our theories or translations are accepted speaks directly to our ability to engage others in a discourse on meaning.

War is the ultimate source of displacement, thrusting many an un-made man into the calisthenics of poetic exercise in the hopes of ending up somewhere less fragile. So it is salient that, in the latest issues of Codrescu's journal, Exquisite Corpses, Abbas Zaidi paints a picture of life on a street in Lumut, Pakistan, where war ravages much except afterthought. In the same issue, Five prose poems by Mark Terrill utilize modernist stylistic innovations to beat-ify life lived to the beat of current chaos in Pakistan. As compatriots in that passport-less patria of poetic exile, Zaidi and Terrill pledge their allegiance to a flag states have yet to acknowledge. The work of legitimization-- as expressed in the modern insitution of a standing army-- is also that last sip of cyanide that closes possibility of return.

Thursday, September 19, 2002

EU News

The Irish government tday set a date next month for a second referendum that could make or break the EU's plans to admit more countries. On the same day, Hungary's parliamentary parties agreed to hold a referendum on joining the EU and on changes to the constitution required for membership.

Meanwhile, Eurocrats are getting jittery about Sunday's election pitting the resurgent Gerhard Schroeder against his conservative rival Edmund Stoiber. Many in Brussels want Germany, the EU's economic powerhouse, to give a clearer lead on the big issues as the EU prepares to enlarge eastwards. One thing at least is sure-- Romania won't be an EU member any time in the near future. Lucky them.

Thursday, September 19, 2002

Does the new realism offend you?

Peter Gowan dissembles the doctrine of "offensive realism" in an article for The New Left Review this month, where he argues that the behaviour of states in the current international system cannot be considered meanignfully apart from the internal dynamics of the political orders they protect. Gowan effectively argues against the popular perception of the existence of non-normative-based threats from other countries. In fact, it is precisely the normative quality that plays such a determining factor in what sways a government towards a specific perception of threat. Kurt Nimmo refers to a recent interview in which George Bush tells Paula Zahn that he "hates" Saddam because Saddam is "no good" and "a brute". Indeed, "offensive realism" might apply here, though it isn't so much about preemptive strikes to allay threats, but more about our President's capacity to really get offended by international "brutes". With all this offending going on, one feels inclined to suggest that our world leaders take a year to re-graduate kindergarten. But that would involve post-poning a war...And who in their right mind wants to do that?

Wednesday, September 18, 2002

In the House of Representatives today, Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas) broke ground with an excellent speech intended to point out that war is not beneficial to politicians seeking re-election. By appealing to the primary motivations of most Congressmen when they cast their votes (i.e. re-election-- that greatest of excuses for acting against principles), Ron Paul might have swayed a few hawks. Let's hope so.

In the same session, Lynn Woolsey (D-California) also protested Bush's decision to "launch an illegtimiate first strike attack againt Iraq", citing a threat to America's "moral authority": "As a nation, it is our responsibility to live up to our own democratic ideals... War represents a failure of civilization. It is a last resort. America's strength rests in our commitment.. to the rule of law." She also noted that Saddam's refusal to abide by UN Resolutions noweher authorizes the US to take "preemptive action", as it is the UN, and only the UN, who has the authority to decide what to do when a country fails to abide by a UN resolution.

Congressman Barbara Lee (D-California), a consistent opponent of war, asked Congress to renew its commitment to the UN. She also announced that she will introduce a resolution in Congress tommorrow offering a more practical and peaceful means of dealing with the issue of WMD in Iraq. Outstanding, however, is the price tag she reminds us is asscoiated with this war-- $200 billion. Killing civilians has certainly become more expensive.

Yet the best commentary I have seen so far was mailed to me by a wise fold friend, who sent something as simple as the words of Julius Caesar on patriotism:

"Beware the leader who bangs the drums of war in order to whip the citizenry into a patriotic fervor, for patriotism is indeed a double-edged sword. It both emboldens the blood, just as it narrows the mind. " And when the drums of war have reached a fever pitch and the blood boils with hate and the mind has closed, the leader will have no need in seizing the rights of the citizenry. Rather, the citizenry, infused with fear and blinded with patriotism, will offer up all of their rights unto the leader, and gladly so. "How do I know? For this is what I have done. And I am Caesar."

Wednesday, September 18, 2002

Punt that pundit

It looks like the Vodkapundit is good for more than just an occasional laugh when the Simpsons aren't on or the Maxim hasn't arrived in the mail because I found a link to a decent site there. Take a look at a well-considered post on "Winds of Change" about Iraq's decision to allow weapons inspectors into the country. As for Vodkapundit, life always looks easier to explain when armed with a toddy and some venom.... I'm sure he is glad that no one takes him seriously.

Tuesday, September 17, 2002

Iraq developments

Much to President Bush's chagrin, the Iraqi government has agreed to allow the unconditional return of UN weapons inspectors. As Powell consulted with council members, Secretary-General Kofi Annan, working with Iraqi and Arab League officials, came up with a letter pledging that Iraq would let U.N. weapons inspectors return unconditionally. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan credited President Bush for the Iraqi reversal of policy, asserting that Bush "galvanized the international community" with his speech last Thursday. If the Bush administration were really concerned about nothing more than Iraqi acquisition of WMD, then the mood in the White House should be smug. However, Bush won't settle for anything less than regime-change, as noted by French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin:"There has been talk about working for regime change...[but] this is not included in the mandate of the United Nations. If we begin discussing it, where will it end? It's a totally different process."

Before it sounds as if I am accusing President Bush of narrow-mindedness in his approach to foreign policy, let it be noted that Larry Lindsey, economic adviser to the President, believes a war with Iraq would be good for the US economy:"When there is a regime change in Iraq, you could add three million to five million barrels [per day] of production to world supply..The successful prosecution of the war would be good for the economy." This linkage of increased military spending in times of national economic crisis is not a new one-- Reaganomics worked on similar premises.

Charley Reese's new column encourages us to ask ourselves some interesting questions, worth quoting at length:
You ought to ask yourself why President Bush recently scrapped 50 years of American strategic policy by announcing that the United States would be willing to use nuclear weapons on a non-nuclear state and that our policy would henceforth be pre-emptive attacks.
"What kind of government have you given us?" a lady asked Benjamin Franklin after they had drafted a new Constitution. "Madam," said Franklin, "We have given you a republic — if you can keep it."

And, of course, we could not. The republic died at Appomattox, and it's been empire ever since. The modest government, the freedom, the old policy of armed neutrality, the practice of relying on a citizen army, have all been scrapped. An all-volunteer force is in fact a mercenary force. And our government is strutting about as if it were the policeman in charge of planet Earth. Well, just remember, all empires fall. They fall because power corrupts, just as the British political philosopher said. They fall because they inevitably overextend themselves and go bankrupt. They fall because their citizens — reduced to passive watchers of games and consumers of bread — themselves become weak and corrupted.


If all patriotism led us to the sort of deliberation conducted by Reese, I would not hesitate to embrace it.

Tuesday, September 17, 2002

Monday's grab-bag on Iraq

David Corn's article "Why Trust George W. Bush?" is worth quoting, if only to tantalize/titillate (whichever suits your nature).

"Can the Bush administration be expected to tell the truth about this war to come? Don't laugh. Some rhetorical questions are worth answering."

While I want to laugh with David, I'm afraid today's bombings and concessions turned my smile upside down. Though one small surprise brightened my day-- a little gift from Madeline Albright, no less, in her article for the New York Times, "Deal with Al Quaeda First". So the First Lady of Nonsense speaks some sense at last. I'll wait for the punchline on this too-good-to-be-true.

Monday, September 16, 2002

A vote in favor of the death penalty is a vote for state aggrandizement.

A California jury decided today that convicted killer David Westerfield should be given the death penalty for the February kidnapping and murder of his 7 year-old neighbor, Danielle van Dam. Though the judge still has discretion to decide whether or not to accept the jury's recommendation, the verdict on use of the death penalty is certainly out. I've often asked myself if it would be an ethical guerilla-tactic to sit on a jury for a capital case given my personal anti-death-penalty position. Most people I've talked to say it would be dishonest and probably even criminal behavior on my part.

Needless to say, I am frustrated by the fact that my citizenship only allows me to sit on a jury in a limited number of cases (i.e. those that do not involve capital punishment, victimless crimes, drugs, etc.). What better way to reject the state's present criminal justice paradigm than by being involved in jury trials where the crime in question should be questioned as a crime? Is my judgement any less just because I do not believe that the type of punishment under consideration should be described as something other than "cruel and unusual"? Does my opposition to the state's practice necessarily constitute a feeling of ill-will towards society? Can't I believe that what is good for my fellow humans is bad for the state, or that what is good for the state might often be bad for society?

Rather than continue my frustrated ravings, I encourage each of you to do a little research on your own. Have a look at the Espy file documents executions in the US from 1608 to 1987. Or browse a few opinions on the continuing futility and consequences of capital punishment, like that of San Antonio Defense Attorney Kim Young's or the recent press release from the ACLU's Capital Punishment Project. Research is not just important for that college or grad school class-- it is most important when it comes to your convictions, principles, persuasions, or committed lack thereof.

Monday, September 16, 2002

Saudi Arabia just announced that it would allow the US to use its airspace and maybe airports in he war on Iraq iff the UN approves it. Now who on the Security Council might vote against it? Not Russia. Maybe China. Ideas anyone?

Sunday, September 15, 2002

The Long story

I can't say enough about Roderick Long's reflections on September 11th. He is right to assert that "no issue in recent memory has split libertarians more seriously than September 11th". Check it out to see how he defends the position that "we owe September 11th to our friend the American state". Stellar. :)

Sunday, September 15, 2002

Women, war, and rape

To say that she is from the city of Zagreb, to suggest that she might be "yugo-nostalgic", is to skim the surface of the complicated fiesta known as Slavenka Drakulic.
Stan Persky describes Drakulic as a " 49-year-old accomplished novelist" with an "unflinching willingness to call things as she sees them " that hasn't made her popular with Balkan officialdom.

In an interview with Persky, Drakulic comments on her new life in Sweden and the problems that democracy continues to face in the Balkans: "It is one of the things that people in Eastern Europe have difficulty understanding, because democracy became, after the fall of Communism, merely a means to gain power," she points out. "But the power was the same kind of power as before--autocratic and authoritarian--only now the dictatorships had democratic legitimacy." Drakulic is comfortable with the message arising from NATO's campaign in Serbia, though not necessarily as pleased with the results.

"The message to dictators is: living in your own tiny little backyard and doing what you want is finished. Someone is watching out for human rights.....Of course, there was never any punishment for the ethnic cleansing of 250,000 Serbs," driven out of the Krajina region of Croatia, where they had long resided. But Drakulic can afford to be slightly cynical because she isn't staking her faith in international justice.

Does this mean Drakulic has faith in the people of the Balkans to establish their own effective systems of justice? No, not neccessarily-- at least, not until voters understand the right to vote for what it is, namely, an exercise of political will weighted and balanced by deliberation and responsibility.

Drakulic expresses annoyance with Serbians and Croatians who attempt to evade responsiblity for the actions of their governments during the last decade, especially since most elections have been closely monitored by that mythical "international community". Nuremberg defenses are not acceptable in this case-- if you voted for Milosevic, you supported the actions of his government. She does make a different sort of allowance however; one that I will call "The Iron Curtain Defense":

"In all fairness, for people who have come out of communism, it is very difficult to realize that they are responsible for keeping the regime in power."

She shimmers in the filth and controversy that other writers are loathe to touch for fear of taint. With graceful, grotesque diligence, Drakulic skeins the surface off the pain and tragedy of the recent Balkan conflicts, shedding light on the inhumanity of humanity. We are placed in the boots, house slippers, sandals, or sneakers of those who lived through these wars; and we are encouraged to sense the struggle between surviving in the present and being redeemed by the future. Drakulic expounded on this in an article for The Nation two years ago, called
"We Are All Albanians"-- an excellent example of the challenging, wry style that typifies her work.

What set Drakulic apart from her commentator-comrades so far, apart from the tender brutality of her style, has been the luridness of her subjects, as best exemplified by
S.: A Novel About the Balkans, in which she describes the "horrors of the human mind", as experienced by S., a sort of composite Everywoman brutalized and raped by soldiers during the war in Bosnia. In her review of the book, Brigitte Frase remarks that more gory and frightening than the disgusting details is the fact "that we are witnessing horribly familiar events. Fixated by the supreme example of the Holocaust, we don't notice when it happens again, and again -- never quite in the same way, of course, and not on the 6 million scale we can't stop focusing on."

In her discussion of the Foca rape case, Drakulic ponders the questions posed by Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland ( Christopher Browning, Harper Perennial 1992: How could a waiter, a salesman, or a policeman-- ordinary men-- turn into cruel torturers, rapists, and/or systemtatic killers? She admits that "no court can provide the answer" to such difficult questions, since these are questions not of law but of the human psyche-- of how close civilization has come to the institutionalization of barbarism. Searching in their faces for some sign that might confirm that "other such men can be recognised as criminals in advance", Drakulic comes up empty-handed. One witness tells her that the men from Foca were "low-life people who would go around and beg for cigarettes...But when the war broke out, and as soon as they managed to put their hands on guns, they began to feel big and strong. They were brave only with us, with women and children."

But the "ordinary men who just needed to feel their own power by raping or torturing women" defense doesn't really comfort me. And neither does Judge Florence Mumba's assertion that, "What the sum of evidence manifestly demonstrates, is the effect a criminal personality will have in times of war on helpless members of the civilian population." How is this supposed to cast light on the war crimes of the last decade? Isn't it even scarier to think that normal men, and not beasts, committed these atrocities? On first impulse, the desire to excuse away such behavior with Frankensteinian explanations (i.e. poverty and misery led these men to do such things-- and if we had only been more generous, these men would have never turned in to such monsters) seduces me from constructive thinking. I suppose we could blame their propensity towards cruelty and violence on our high-than-thou living standards, but to do so would be to remain on the starting-line of useful discourse. If a human being survives by his ability to forget or excuse-- if such purported ethical complacency is all we need to feel-- then we should be considered guilty of something like conspiracy to commit intellectual crimes against humanity. Granted, the burden of proof for such crimes might be too much for the legal system to untangle, but this is not a justification for avoidance-- it is an impetus for doing the dirty work of ethical thinking for ourselves!

Drakulic believes that we need to internalize the Doca verdict as expressed in Judge Mamba's speech: "Political leaders and war generals are powerless if ordinary people refuse to carry out criminal activities in the course of war. Lawless opportunists should expect no mercy, no matter how low their position in the chain of command may be." In other words, no excuses for complicity.

Where does this leave us as conscientious citizens of a state who is at war with a word (i.e. terrorism)? Where it does leave us is not where it should. We must look beyond the explanations offered by the Bush administration and declare war, instead, on our own inhumane impulses. Granted, this should not be a war in which might, or military force, makes right. It should be a war of ideas with positions permeable enough to permit the deliberative discourse that democracy is lauded for fostering. It should be an exchange not of Patriot missiles but of common fears and experiences. Modern warfare makes it easier to ignore the casualties and horrors of war, as it is often waged for thirty second segments on the nightly news. We can walk on by, so to speak. However, it is our individual responsibility to understand all such impediments not as justifications for our distraction or complacency, but as modern and highly successful challenges to our humanity.

I'll end this little podium-thump with a line from S. just after S. gets settled in the camp with other females in the same horrible position: "In the semi-darkness not one of them seems to have a face of her own, they all look the same because whatever made each of them different was eradicated when they entered the camp". A common experience of persecution is the great social leveller. Think about what it means to become "the same", to be reduced to a sum of your shared pain, at the cost of your dignity and humanity. Surely we can find better routes to solidarity than violence and the exercise of power.

 

 

ARCHIVES

9/10/02-9/15/02

CURRENTLY DEVOURING

War and the Illiberal Conscience by
Christopher Coker

The Return of the Native by Thomas Hardy

Beyond Neutrality: Perfectionism and Politics by George Sher

Conditions Handsome and Unhandsome: The Constitution of Emersonian Perfectionism by Stanley Cavell

Alien Candor by
Andrei Codrescu


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