That the major concern of Republican members of the House International Relations Committee before tonight's mark-up of the Iraq resolution was whether they could make it to the big RNC fund-raiser with Dick Cheney tonight. He also mentioned that today a member of the House leadership said an attack on Israel was the same as an attack on the united States. Guess I never realized there were 51 states in the Union. Whatever did they teach me in those government schools?
Dr. Watkins warned me when I was a student that his book explaining colors would rock the little world of philosophy. Of course, at that time, he probably didn't think he would be competing with a "war against evil" for the stage. Nonetheless, the book--Rediscovering Colors - A Study in Pollyanna Realism (PHILOSOPHICAL STUDIES SERIES Volume 88"-- is out. And none less than Dr. Roderick Long drew my attention to it in his gentle critique.
Wednesday, October 2, 2002
LET THE BLOOD-BATH BEGIN
This is worth posting in full for those of you who haven't been unfortunate enough to see it yet. Vodkapundit, you and I will both be mixing up strong ones tonight, but for very different reasons. Congratulations on your victory. Let me extend that to all my neoconservative friends.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release October 2, 2002
________________________________________________________________________
JOINT RESOLUTION TO AUTHORIZE THE USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES AGAINST IRAQ
Whereas in 1990 in response to Iraq's war of aggression against and illegal
occupation of Kuwait, the United States forged a coalition of nations to liberate Kuwait and its people in order to defend the national security of the United States and
enforce United Nations Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq;
Whereas after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, Iraq entered into a United
Nations sponsored cease-fire agreement pursuant to which Iraq unequivocally
agreed, among other things, to eliminate its nuclear, biological, and chemical
weapons programs and the means to deliver and develop them, and to end its
support for international terrorism;
Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United States
intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the discovery that Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and a large scale biological weapons program, and that Iraq had an advanced nuclear weapons development program that was much closer to producing a nuclear weapon than intelligence reporting had previously indicated;
Whereas Iraq, in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire, attempted to
thwart the efforts of weapons inspectors to identify and destroy Iraq's weapons
of mass destruction stockpiles and development capabilities, which finally
resulted in the withdrawal of inspectors from Iraq on October 31, 1998;
Whereas in 1998 Congress concluded that Iraq's continuing weapons of mass
destruction programs threatened vital United States interests and international
peace and security, declared Iraq to be in "material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations" and urged the President "to take appropriate action, in accordance with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq into compliance with its international obligations" (Public Law 105-235);
Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security of the
United States and international peace and security in the Persian Gulf region and remains in material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations by, among other things, continuing to possess and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons capability, actively seeking a nuclear weapons capability, and supporting and harboring terrorist organizations;
Whereas Iraq persists in violating resolutions of the United Nations Security
Council by continuing to engage in brutal repression of its civilian population thereby
Threatening international peace and security in the region, by refusing to release,
repatriate, or account for non-Iraqi citizens wrongfully detained by Iraq, including an American serviceman, and by failing to return property wrongfully seized by Iraq from Kuwait;
Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its capability and willingness
to use weapons of mass destruction against other nations and its own people;
Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its continuing hostility
toward, and willingness to attack, the United States, including by attempting in 1993 to
assassinate former President Bush and by firing on many thousands of occasions on United States and Coalition Armed Forces engaged in enforcing the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council;
Whereas members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility for attacks
on the United States, its citizens, and interests, including the attacks that occurred on
September 11, 2001, are known to be in Iraq;
Whereas Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international terrorist
organizations, including organizations that threaten the lives and safety of American citizens;
Whereas the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001 underscored the
gravity of the threat posed by the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by international terrorist organizations;
Whereas Iraq's demonstrated capability and willingness to use weapons of mass
destruction, the risk that the current Iraqi regime will either employ those weapons to launch a
surprise attack
against the United States or its Armed Forces or provide them to international
terrorists who
would do so, and the extreme magnitude of harm that would result to the United
States and its
citizens from such an attack, combine to justify action by the United States to
defend itself;
Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 authorizes the use of all
Necessary means to enforce United Nations Security Council Resolution 660 and subsequent relevant resolutions and to compel Iraq to cease certain activities that threaten
international peace and security, including the development of weapons of mass destruction and refusal or obstruction of United Nations weapons inspections in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, repression of its civilian population in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688, and threatening its neighbors or United Nations operations in Iraq in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 949;
Whereas Congress in the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq
Resolution (Public Law 102-1) has authorized the President "to use United States Armed
Forces pursuant to United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) in order to achieve implementation of Security Council Resolutions 660, 661, 662, 664, 665, 666, 667, 669, 670, 674, and 677";
Whereas in December 1991, Congress expressed its sense that it "supports the use
of all
necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council
Resolution 687 as
being consistent with the Authorization of Use of Military Force Against Iraq
Resolution (Public
Law 102-1)," that Iraq's repression of its civilian population violates United
Nations Security
Council Resolution 688 and "constitutes a continuing threat to the peace,
security, and stability
of the Persian Gulf region," and that Congress, "supports the use of all
necessary means to
achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688";
Whereas the Iraq Liberation Act (Public Law 105-338) expressed the sense of
Congress that it
should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove from
power the current
Iraqi regime and promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace
that regime;
Whereas on September 12, 2002, President Bush committed the United States to
"work with the
United Nations Security Council to meet our common challenge" posed by Iraq and
to "work for
the necessary resolutions," while also making clear that "the Security Council
resolutions will be
enforced, and the just demands of peace and security will be met, or action will
be unavoidable";
Whereas the United States is determined to prosecute the war on terrorism and
Iraq's ongoing
support for international terrorist groups combined with its development of
weapons of mass
destruction in direct violation of its obligations under the 1991 cease-fire and
other United
Nations Security Council resolutions make clear that it is in the national
security interests of the
United States and in furtherance of the war on terrorism that all relevant
United Nations Security
Council resolutions be enforced, including through the use of force if
necessary;
Whereas Congress has taken steps to pursue vigorously the war on terrorism
through the
provision of authorities and funding requested by the President to take the
necessary actions
against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those
nations, organizations
or persons who planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist attacks
that occurred on
September 11, 2001 or harbored such persons or organizations;
Whereas the President and Congress are determined to continue to take all
appropriate actions
against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those
nations, organizations
or persons who planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist attacks
that occurred on
September 11, 2001, or harbored such persons or organizations;
Whereas the President has authority under the Constitution to take action in
order to deter and
prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States, as Congress
recognized in the
joint resolution on Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40);
and
Whereas it is in the national security of the United States to restore
international peace and
security to the Persian Gulf region;
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of
America in
Congress assembled,
SEC. 1. SHORT TITLE.
This joint resolution may be cited as the "Authorization for the Use of Military
Force Against
Iraq".
SEC. 2. SUPPORT FOR UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS
The Congress of the United States supports the efforts by the President to?
(a) strictly enforce through the United Nations Security Council all relevant
Security Council
resolutions applicable to Iraq and encourages him in those efforts; and
(b) obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to ensure that
Iraq abandons its
strategy of delay, evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies
with all
relevant Security Council resolutions.
SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.
(a) AUTHORIZATION. The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces of the
United
States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to
(1) defend the national security of the United States against the
continuing threat posed by
Iraq; and
(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions
regarding Iraq.
(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION.
In connection with the exercise of the authority granted in subsection (a) to
use force the
President shall, prior to such exercise or as soon there after as may be
feasible, but no later than
48 hours after exercising such authority, make available to the Speaker of the
House of
Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate his determination
that
(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic or other peaceful
means alone
either (A) will not adequately protect the national security of the United
States against the
continuing threat posed by Iraq or (B) is not likely to lead to enforcement of
all relevant United
Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq, and
(2) acting pursuant to this resolution is consistent with the United States
and other
countries continuing to take the necessary actions against international
terrorists and terrorist
organizations, including those nations, organizations or persons who planned,
authorized,
committed or aided the terrorists attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.
(c) WAR POWERS RESOLUTION REQUIREMENTS. ?
(1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION. ? Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of
the
War Powers Resolution, the Congress declares that this section is intended
to constitute
specific statutory authorization within the meaning of section 5(b) of the
War Powers
Resolution.
(2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS. ? Nothing in this resolution
supersedes any requirement of the War Powers Resolution.
SEC. 4. REPORTS TO CONGRESS
(a) The President shall, at least once every 60 days, submit to the Congress a
report on matters
relevant to this joint resolution, including actions taken pursuant to the
exercise of authority
granted in section 2 and the status of planning for efforts that are expected to
be required after
such actions are completed, including those actions described in section 7 of
Public Law 105-338
(the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998).
(b) To the extent that the submission of any report described in subsection (a)
coincides with the
submission of any other report on matters relevant to this joint resolution
otherwise required to
be submitted to Congress pursuant to the reporting requirements of Public Law
93-148 (the War
Powers Resolution), all such reports may be submitted as a single consolidated
report to the
Congress.
(c) To the extent that the information required by section 3 of Public Law 102-1
is included in
the report required by this section, such report shall be considered as meeting
the requirements of
section 3 of Public Law 102-1.
Wednesday, October 2, 2002
NOT PUTIN OUT
Putin plays his hand incredibly well by emphasizing the importance of a good foreign policy bluffing strategy. He currently appears to be "in two minds over the war in Iraq", which encourages the Bush administration, as well as China, India, and Europe, to continue to court him.
Notably, Putin proves himself to be the master of manipulating perceptions and interpretations by taking substantive actions that he does not elucidate in any speeches. Unlike Bush, who spends alot of time explaining why he wants to pursue certain policy options, Putin pursues the options with very little talk, and then allows each country to ascribe their views to his intentions. In the words of George Fifer, Russia's foreign policy is "a private affair".
While this leaves his diplomatic channels unclogged, it also does not tie his hands from pursuing policies that are not in accordance with the policies of his numerous allies.When four scholars from the Center for International Security Studies attempted to explain the implications of Putin's foreign relations, their interpretations were markedly different, depending on their regional area of speciality. Of course, many American analysts judge Putin's policy outlook since Sept. 11 as a shift towards the West.
Putin's wait-till-we're-married foreign policy style works right now because the current international playground has already designated President Bush as the bully. However, if Bush starts to behave more diplomatically, it is very likely that the erratic, unexplained patterns of Putin's foreign-policy decisions will appear more like manipulative secrey than realpolitik. Under such circumstances, Putin might discover he has been relegated to the category of states pursuing aggressive foreign policies for illegitimate ends. And the wait-till-we're-married might morph into the more effective wait-till-we're-sufficiently-entangled.